Christian Democracy UK

A Manifesto – Draft One

Democratic Governance and Constitutional Order

We believe in the foundational importance of democracy to the political and moral health of the nation. However, democracy must be rooted in the historic institutions and cultural traditions of the British state, rather than subject to constant experimentation or continental imitation.

We affirm our support for democracy, and advocate its further expansion and renewal through the implementation of proportional representation in the House of Commons. Such reform would restore legitimacy to our electoral system by ensuring that all voices in our national life are heard fairly, and would help rebuild trust between Parliament and the people.

At the same time, we affirm the value of tradition and historical continuity in the British constitution. We support the continued existence of an appointed House of Lords, including the presence of hereditary peers and Lords Spiritual, as a vital safeguard of non-partisan wisdom, historical memory, and moral voice. We oppose the reduction of this institution to a second elected chamber, which would only duplicate the Commons and erode its distinct role.

We are committed to the preservation and renewal of the United Kingdom as a unitary state. To this end, we support the abolition of devolved parliaments in Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland, and the reconcentration of legislative power in Westminster, while strengthening local councils as the proper engines of community governance. We affirm our unwavering support for British unionism, and reject all forms of separatism that fracture the nation.

We are proud defenders of the constitutional monarchy as a cornerstone of British identity and political stability. The monarchy embodies the non-partisan unity of the nation and should be shielded from all republican agitation.

Our commitment to parliamentary sovereignty requires the reversal of misguided constitutional experiments of recent decades. We therefore support a ‘Great Repeal Act’ to overturn Blair-era constitutional legislation that has undermined the sovereignty of Parliament and fragmented the governance of the United Kingdom.

We advocate for the abolition of the Supreme Court, whose existence has created an unwelcome judicial activism in British politics, contrary to our tradition of parliamentary supremacy. Additionally, we call for the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), a foreign body which has time and again sought to override the democratic will of the British people.

Together, these measures represent a coherent vision: one of democratic renewal, constitutional restoration, and national unity rooted in British traditions.

Faith, Morality and Society

We affirm that religion—particularly the historic Christian faith—has been, and remains, a vital foundation of British civilisation. Far from being a private matter alone, religion upholds society, instilling a shared moral code, a sense of duty beyond self, and a deep-rooted respect for truth, law, and the sacred.

The secularisation of British public life has not led to a more tolerant or enlightened society, but instead to a vacuum of meaning, the erosion of shared values, and the rise of atomised, self-centred individualism. In its place, new ideologies have emerged which offer no true sense of moral purpose or ethical grounding. This decline in morality is evident in the breakdown of family life, rising rates of loneliness, and a growing culture of permissiveness and transgression.

We support the promotion of Christian faith schools, which play an essential role in forming young people not only in academic knowledge but in moral character, social responsibility, and spiritual wisdom. These schools are indispensable to a plural society that respects tradition and prepares future citizens for a life grounded in virtue and service.

We advocate a model of society informed by Communitarianism: the belief that a person’s identity is formed primarily through their relationships, duties, and responsibilities to others—family, community, and nation—rather than by unmoored individual self-definition. In contrast to the hyper-individualism promoted by contemporary culture, we affirm the dignity of the person in relation to others, and the flourishing that comes through belonging, shared values, and mutual care.

While we uphold inherent freedoms as central to the British tradition, we reject the idea that liberty must entail moral relativism or cultural nihilism. Freedom must be ordered to the good, and a society that values liberty must also uphold limits, norms, and boundaries. We therefore reject societal permissiveness that confuses freedom with license, and which abandons moral restraint in the name of tolerance.

In restoring faith to its rightful place in public life, we seek not theocracy, but a renewal of moral seriousness—a culture that is humane, rooted, and responsible.

Life Ethics

We affirm an unwavering commitment to the consistent life ethic: the belief that all human life, at every stage and in every condition, possesses inherent dignity and must be protected by society and the law. This ethic does not pick and choose which lives are worthy—it defends all life, from conception to natural death.

We affirm that life begins at conception, and that from this moment, the unborn child is a unique and irreplaceable human being with moral worth. Abortion is not a neutral medical procedure, but the deliberate ending of a human life. We therefore oppose the continued legal sanctioning of abortion, and regard efforts to decriminalise abortion as a grave moral failure—one which abandons both the unborn child and the mother to a culture of death.

At the same time, we recognise the complex realities faced by women in crisis pregnancies, and advocate strongly for alternative forms of pregnancy care—including greater support for maternal health, adoption services, and community-based resources that uphold both lives, not just one. A truly compassionate society does not offer death as the solution to vulnerability.

Our commitment to the sanctity of life also leads us to oppose euthanasia and assisted suicide, which distort the medical profession and reduce the sick and elderly to burdens rather than persons worthy of care. Legalising such practices creates dangerous incentives, undermines trust in palliative care, and sends the message that some lives are no longer worth living.

In keeping with this ethic of life, we also oppose capital punishment. While we recognise the seriousness of violent crime and the necessity of justice, the state must never claim the power to end human life as a form of punishment. A just and moral society should seek not vengeance, but restorative justice, proportionate punishment, and the rehabilitation of offenders wherever possible.

A truly humane and civilised nation is one that chooses life, consistently and courageously—even when doing so is difficult or unpopular. This is the moral foundation on which a just society must stand.

Family and Social Values

We affirm the family as the fundamental building block of society, the primary community in which individuals are nurtured, socialised, and formed in moral character. Strong families create strong societies; they provide stability, continuity, and belonging in a rapidly fragmenting world. It is the duty of government, institutions, and civil society to promote and support the traditional nuclear family—a married mother and father raising children—as the normative and ideal context for raising the next generation.

While we recognise that families exist in many forms and that all people are deserving of dignity and compassion, we believe that society should affirm, not dismantle, the model that has consistently provided the best outcomes for children and communities. Policies that undermine or marginalise this foundational institution are deeply corrosive to social cohesion, child welfare, and long-term prosperity.

In line with this, we oppose the redefinition of marriage to include same-sex couples. Marriage is not merely a private contract, but a public institution rooted in the complementarity of the sexes and the natural orientation toward the bearing and raising of children. The extension of marriage to same-sex couples has not only altered the legal meaning of the institution, but has also introduced a moral relativism into family policy that we reject.

Similarly, we oppose same-sex adoption, not out of hostility to individuals, but in defence of the child’s right to a mother and a father. While many adoptive carers of all backgrounds offer love and stability, the deliberate placement of children into same-sex households denies them the natural model of parental complementarity and the developmental benefits that come from the presence of both male and female role models.

We also reject the inclusion of LGBT education in schools, especially when introduced at early ages or without parental consent. Such curricula often present highly contested moral and ideological claims as settled fact, eroding parental rights, confusing children, and undermining the moral authority of the family.

We stand in firm opposition to transgender ideology, particularly as it relates to children. The promotion of gender fluidity, medical transition, and gender self-identification policies has led to confusion, irreversible harm, and the erosion of biological reality in law and education. Children must be protected from harmful ideologies that encourage them to reject their bodies and identities before they are capable of mature judgement.

These positions are not rooted in intolerance, but in the conviction that social order, child welfare, and human flourishing depend on recognising and preserving natural truths about sex, family, and the human person. Upholding the family is not only a moral imperative—it is a social necessity.

Immigration and National Identity

Immigration policy must serve the common good of the nation, not the demands of global markets, ideological dogmas, or short-term political gain. While immigration has played a role in British history, it must be managed with prudence, limits, and respect for national cohesion.

We reject both extremes: the utopianism of open borders and the nihilism of so-called “remigration.” Instead, we affirm a measured, national-interest approach to immigration that recognises the importance of borders, law, and shared identity.

We call for the introduction of a strict cap on legal immigration, ensuring that migration levels remain sustainable, and aligned with our social capacity to integrate newcomers into British life. We also support the deportation of all illegal immigrants, recognising that the rule of law must be upheld and that unlawful entry cannot be rewarded or normalised. Alongside this, we advocate for the swift deportation of foreign nationals who commit serious crimes, as a basic matter of national self-respect and public safety.

At the same time, we recognise that immigration cannot simply be reduced to numbers. True integration requires shared values, language, and loyalty. We therefore support a renewed emphasis on integration policies that uphold British cultural norms and affirm the Christian values that have historically shaped our national identity. Newcomers must be welcomed with both fairness and firmness, encouraged to participate fully in the life of the nation, and expected to honour its customs and institutions.

We defend British unionism and identity, and reject the notion that Britishness is a mere administrative label or vague set of consumer preferences. Britain is a historic nation, with deep-rooted traditions, moral foundations, and a shared story. To remain a nation and not a market zone, we must cultivate a sense of cultural continuity and the moral bonds of belonging.

This vision of immigration is not xenophobic, but rooted in realism and moral responsibility. A just society is not one that erases borders or abandons national culture in the name of tolerance—but one that balances hospitality with cohesion, and welcomes without dissolving itself.

Economic Justice and Ownership

We believe in an economic order rooted in justice, dignity, and the common good, not in the dehumanising extremes of state socialism or unrestrained liberal capitalism. The economy must serve the person—not the other way around. To that end, we advocate for Distributism: an economic philosophy grounded in the widespread distribution of productive property, family-based enterprise, and localism.

Distributism offers a third way—neither a centralised state-run economy nor a hyper-individualist market free from moral responsibility. We therefore reject both state socialism, which concentrates power in the hands of government, and liberal capitalism, which reduces human beings to economic units in the service of profit and consumption.

Instead, we propose a system that promotes ownership, responsibility, and community. We support the defence of private property rights, but believe that property should be widely held—not monopolised by the few, whether state or corporate. Economic independence fosters family stability, civic responsibility, and national resilience.

We reject the false notion of class war, which only deepens division and resentment. Instead, we advocate for co-determination—a system in which workers and employers share responsibility for the governance of their enterprises. This promotes harmony between labour and capital, and encourages long-term investment over short-term exploitation.

We endorse a regulated social market economy, in which free enterprise is guided by moral law and the state acts as a referee—not a player. State intervention may be necessary, but it must be limited, proportionate, and always directed toward strengthening families, communities, and small businesses—not bureaucracies or global corporations.

We affirm the welfare state as a safety net, not a way of life. It should protect the vulnerable while avoiding dependency. We support increased worker ownership, including cooperatives, mutuals, and employee shareholding schemes. People thrive when they are not just employees, but stakeholders in the economic institutions that shape their lives.

We further support the distribution of public and private property—such as land, housing, and public assets—in ways that empower local communities and reduce the dominance of unaccountable elites. Economic justice must mean real power in the hands of ordinary people.

In sum, our vision is one of economic decentralisation, moral responsibility, and human dignity. The economy must be reoriented to serve the family, the worker, and the community—not abstract ideologies or global financial systems.

Environmental and Ethical Stewardship

We believe that the natural world is not merely a resource to be exploited, but a gift to be safeguarded with responsibility and reverence. The earth does not belong solely to this generation, but to those who come after us—and to the wider community of life with whom we share it. True environmentalism is rooted not in panic or ideology, but in the enduring principle of stewardship: that we are called to care for creation, not dominate or desecrate it.

We support meaningful and long-term investment in renewable energy sources, recognising that the transition to cleaner energy is essential for protecting ecosystems and ensuring energy security. However, we reject the extremism of current “net zero” targets, which are often shaped by political theatre and international pressure rather than sober analysis. Targets that are hasty, punitive, or economically damaging do more harm than good—disrupting communities, hollowing out industries, and driving costs for working families.

Instead, we advocate for a balanced approach to environmental policy—one that reduces emissions and encourages innovation, without sacrificing livelihoods or national self-sufficiency. Environmental responsibility must be married to economic prudence, social cohesion, and democratic consent.

We also affirm the moral status of animals, and believe that a society which shows cruelty to animals ultimately degrades its treatment of human beings as well. We therefore call for greater protections for animal welfare, including stronger enforcement of existing laws, promotion of humane farming practices, and the banning of halal and other forms of non-stun ritual slaughter. A civilised nation must not excuse cruelty in the name of cultural exception.

Environmental ethics must also extend to our relationship with consumption, waste, and the land. A society obsessed with endless growth, novelty, and exploitation cannot be reconciled with a sustainable future. We must encourage local production, responsible consumption, and the revival of rural communities, rather than the consolidation of power in global supply chains and urban centres.

In short, we do not accept the false choice between environmentalism and economic justice. The preservation of our natural and moral ecology is a single task, demanding both restraint and innovation, conservation and responsibility. A society that honours the limits of nature, respects the dignity of all living things, and thinks in generational terms is one that truly understands what it means to flourish.